WANG XIAOYING/CHINA DAILY

G20 must reform itself so it can meet its obligation to bridge the inequality gap

The G20 stands as both a symbol of hope and a reflection of our world's deep inequities. Representing two-thirds of the world's population, the forum embodies the very disparities it must address. Its membership spans the world's wealthiest nations and emerging economies, uniquely positioning it to bridge the growing chasm between advanced and developing economies. Yet as pandemic recovery, climate challenges, and technological disruption continue to reshape our world, a crucial question emerges: Can the G20 transform itself from a club of powerful economies into a true architect of equitable global governance? The answer may determine not just the grouping's future relevance, but the future of global economic cooperation itself.

Currently, the world economic data tells a troubling story of our divided world. While the advanced economies have not only bounced back but are now practically erasing all traces of the pandemic's economic damage, the world's most vulnerable countries continue to struggle. The numbers paint a devastating picture. Sub-Saharan Africa, the poorest region, is only now expected to reach its pre-pandemic GDP per capita levels — a milestone that wealthy nations achieved in 2021. Even more alarming is the widening gulf between expectations and reality for emerging markets and developing economies. These nations, home to billions of people, face a brutal 5.5 percent shortfall below their pre-pandemic growth trajectory. This isn't just about statistics — it represents millions of derailed dreams, lost opportunities and deepening poverty. When we speak of a just world, we must ask ourselves: for whom?

The G20 itself embodies the paradox of our current global economic order. While its members collectively command an astounding 85 percent of the global GDP, this concentration of economic might mask a profound imbalance. Within the group, the G7 nations alone control nearly 25.8 percent of the global economy, despite representing just 10 percent of the world's population. The remaining G20 members, home to close to 70 percent of humanity, must navigate a financial system that seems almost deliberately designed to perpetuate their subordinate status.

The Bretton Woods institutions — particularly the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank — remain frozen in a post-World War II amber, their governance structures reflecting a world order that ceased to exist decades ago. Consider this striking disparity: Belgium, with a population of 11.8 million, holds more IMF voting rights than Indonesia, home to 277.5 million people and the world's 15th largest economy. China, despite contributing around 19 percent of global GDP, holds merely 6.08 percent of IMF voting rights, while the United States, with 25.3 percent of global GDP, maintains an effective veto with around 17 percent voting share.

This democratic deficit extends beyond mere numbers. The unwritten tradition of European and US leadership at the IMF and at the World Bank persists, despite emerging economies now accounting for over 65 percent of global growth. When India, Brazil and South Africa combined have fewer voting shares than France and Germany, the system's equability comes into question. These aren't just abstract grievances — they translate into real-world consequences for development financing, debt restructuring and crisis response.

The pandemic's early days laid bare the stark inequities in our global financial system. When the COVID-19 pandemic first struck in 2020, the advanced economies flexed their monetary muscle with an immediate fiscal arsenal that developing nations could only dream of. The numbers tell a damning story: while wealthy nations deployed budgetary measures worth 8.3 percent of their GDP — dwarfing their response to the 2008 financial crisis by 6.6 percentage points — emerging economies could muster only a meager 2.0 percent of GDP, even less than their GFC response. The disparity becomes more glaring when we examine credit guarantees, where advanced economies provided a cushion of 6.6 percent of GDP compared to a mere 0.4 percent in emerging markets. Even in funding facilities, the gap persists: 4 percent of GDP in advanced economies versus 1.3 percent in developing nations.

These aren't just numbers on a page — they represent the difference between businesses surviving or failing, between workers keeping their jobs or joining unemployment lines, between families maintaining their dignity or falling into poverty. When we speak of global economic governance, these disparities must be addressed.

First, the G20 must push for meaningful reform of the Bretton Woods institutions. This means more than incremental adjustments to voting rights — it requires a fundamental reimagining of these institutions' governance structures. A more equitable distribution of voting power reflecting current economic realities rather than postwar hierarchies is essential. While complete restructuring may face political headwinds, establishing interim mechanisms for enhanced developing nation participation in key decisions could serve as a crucial first step.

Second, the G20 must reform key financing mechanisms. The pandemic response highlighted how existing channels fail developing nations precisely when they need them most. The G20 could pioneer a more agile crisis response fund, with governance more equally shared among members. This would ensure that future global crises don't perpetuate the same patterns of inequality we witnessed during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Third, knowledge and technology transfer must become a cornerstone of G20 cooperation, not an afterthought. When advanced economies developed COVID-19 vaccines, we saw how intellectual property rights could impede global public health responses. The G20 should attempt to established common protocols for sharing critical technologies during global crises, whether they involve health climate, or financial stability.

Moreover, the G20 must address the digital divide that threatens to create new forms of global inequality. As financial systems increasingly go digital, ensuring equal access to financial technology and digital infrastructure becomes crucial for genuine economic inclusion. This means moving beyond traditional aid models toward genuine partnership in technological development.

Critics may argue that such reforms would diminish the influence of traditional powers. However, the alternative — a world where the majority of the world's population remains effectively marginalized from global economic governance — poses a far greater threat to global stability and prosperity. The G20's legitimacy depends on its ability to represent all its members effectively, not just its most powerful ones.

The G20 summit presents an opportunity to begin this transformation. The cost of maintaining the status quo — measured in lost growth, social instability, and diminished global cooperation — far exceeds the challenges of reform. As we confront unprecedented global challenges, from climate change to technological disruption, we cannot afford a system that leaves most of the world's population on the sidelines.

The choice facing the G20 is clear: embrace meaningful reform now, or risk becoming increasingly irrelevant to the challenges of our time. The world's majority is watching, and history will judge harshly those who cling to obsolete power structures at the expense of genuine global progress.

The author is an associate professor at Hunan University's School of Public Administration.